The Sudan War series is a joint collaboration between the Center for Economic, Legal, and Social Studies and Documentation – Khartoum (CEDEJ-K), Sudan-Norway Academic Cooperation (SNAC) and African Arguments – Debating Ideas. Through a number of themes that explore the intersections of war, displacement, identities and capital, Sudanese researchers, many of whom are themselves displaced, highlight their own experiences, the unique dynamisms within the larger communities affected by war, and readings of their possible futures.
Experiences of war and displacement highlight a complex interplay of social, economic, and political dynamics that shape women’s lives and opportunities. While the effects of war on women are worse, they tend to reshape existing dynamics, creating new opportunities for their economic and social empowerment. In Sudan before the war, economic inequality between men and women was stark, rooted in deep-seated gender norms. These norms were enabled and upheld through religious justifications and structures of authority (both state and societal), enforced women’s economic dependence and confined their roles to the private sphere. As a result, men accumulated assets while women were largely excluded from economic opportunities.
The ongoing war and its impact on economic and security conditions created shifts in the existing socioeconomic structures redefining traditional roles and partially opening doors for women to take on new responsibilities. This transformation has not been without challenges, yet it created opportunities for women to own, manage, and exchange resources and assets – key tools for enhancing individual and collective resilience. This blog examines how evolving gender roles, women’s economic agency, and asset transfers are reshaping survival strategies within Uganda’s Kiryandongo refugee camp; arrival and residential destination for scores of Sudanese families escaping the war.
Crisis driven adaptation
Conflicts often disrupt traditional gender roles, especially in the division of labour and power. Due to increasing economic pressures or the absence of male breadwinners, women frequently assume roles and responsibilities previously reserved for men. Some patriarchal patterns embedded in Sudan’s social and value structures – traditionally restricting women’s economic opportunities or confining them to certain roles – have begun to dissolve, at least partially and temporarily.
The war has forced dramatic changes for young women like Noda and Musana. Before the conflict, both university graduates – Noda with a degree in Economics and Political Science, Musana at the start of her career – were treated as dependents, excluded from major family decisions. Overnight, they became sole breadwinners, now controlling finances and making life-altering choices about whether their families should stay or flee. They navigate formerly male-dominated spaces – crossing borders alone, interacting with strangers, and working in public markets. These shifts in gender dynamics, even if temporary, remain crucial and important. They highlight the potential for change and women’s resilience to harsh conditions.
Noda recounts, “I sat on the ground and cried my eyes out when I crossed the Ugandan border. I had reached my destination, but only then did I realize how costly it was. Alone for the first time, facing a different culture, language, and religion, I felt overwhelmed. I washed away my fear by reminding myself of the weight of my responsibility, and then I boarded a boda-boda (local model of transport) headed for Kiryandongo camp.”Noda spent three months in Uganda, selling tea and coffee until she saved enough money to rent a house and bring her family to Uganda.Musana shares, “Before the war, my family wouldn’t even let me travel within Sudan. But due to security concerns and the dire economic situation, they had no choice but to allow me to leave, especially when a job opportunity arose in Uganda.”
However, a critical question remains: will these shifts endure once the immediate pressures of conflict or crisis subside, or will they be reversed? And if so, what would be the cost of such reversals for women’s rights and broader societal progress?
Families often prioritize survival over traditional gender expectations, especially as security concerns escalate. In the wake of the widespread sexual violence and systematic rape occurring in the war, families are increasingly driven to send their daughters to safer areas, not only to physically protect them but also to safeguard their reputations. In this context, women’s mobility in pursuit of employment has become essential not just for economic survival but for the preservation of family honour and stability.
Sudanese women travelling for resettlement and in pursuit of work has become a necessary survival strategy. Women on the move often send money or aid back to their families, and sometimes, they help bring other family members to safer places. These economic contributions are redefining women’s roles; from being seen mainly as caregivers to becoming essential providers and key contributors to their families’ survival.
This transformation highlights the adaptability of families in crisis and the ways in which extreme circumstances can challenge and reshape traditional gender norms. While these changes may be driven by necessity, they also open up new possibilities for Sudanese women.
Women, assets and agency
The concept of capital has retained its original meaning in economics, but it has been significantly redeveloped and expanded in the social sciences. In this context, capital is understood in terms of various social, economic, and cultural forms that have a significant impact on shifting status of individuals and groups. Capital, whether physical or embodied, grants individuals or groups the ability to control social energy.
Faced with the challenge of losing most of their economic assets and the hardships of displacement, Sudanese women living in camps – whether single or family households – make significant efforts to earn a living, while still carrying on with caregiver roles. Market activity in the camp is largely driven by female vendors, and the small economies – such as selling baked goods, homemade food, bakhoor, perfumes, tea, and coffee – are predominantly linked to women. In this context, asset mobility plays a crucial role and serves as a key tool for strengthening their resilience. These assets include not only economic resources (cash and remittances) but also social and cultural capital. Women’s ability to own, manage, and allocate assets – for example, deciding how to spend the remittances they send to their families – redefines their roles as decision-makers. This shift creates a feedback loop: as women gain economic power, they expand their networks and access to resources. Capital in this sense becomes two pronged and reinforcing.
Tama is a biology student forced to pause her studies. She now works long hours at a café to support her family, while separated from them for the first time. She says: “Before the war, my family would never have let me travel alone, I didn’t have that power. But now, things have changed. As the breadwinner and the one responsible for my family, it was my decision to send my mother and sisters to safety in Egypt.”
Tama’s ability to make critical decisions for her family – once unthinkable under Sudan’s patriarchal norms – shows how her economic role has built social capital. By becoming the breadwinner, she’s gained tangible influence: control over remittances and household resources now gives her leverage in family negotiations. But this shift goes beyond money. Her visible authority as a decision-maker – choosing when and where her relatives migrate – also quietly challenges political hierarchies, proving women’s capacity to lead survival efforts. Crisis forced this recognition of women’s agency; the test will be whether it outlasts the war.
Social capital – the benefits people gain from their networks and relationships – plays a vital role in refugee communities like Kiryandongo. These networks take many forms, from psychosocial support groups and women’s cooperatives for crafts or farming, to neighbourhood associations and women’s vendor collectives in the camp marketplace and community leaders who organize communal kitchens, cultural events, and education programmes. Digital tools like WhatsApp groups help share crucial information and discuss community needs. These connections provide both practical and emotional support. On the practical side, they help with finding temporary places to stay, sharing crucial information about UN registration processes, or exchanging essential items like food and clothing. At the same time, they provide emotional comfort through shared cultural bonds and common experiences.
This creates a strong sense of community where people work together in ways that challenge traditional economic thinking. While most economic theories assume people only look out for themselves – like a refugee keeping all their money for their immediate family – the reality is often different. Take Noda, who runs a small tea and coffee stand in Kiryandongo camp. Despite earning very little, she regularly helps out neighbours who are struggling. This kind of mutual support shows how social networks become vital survival tools in difficult situations, providing both material assistance and the strength to keep going.
Access to social structures and networks is a crucial asset and resource for women in the camp, as it profoundly shapes their economic behaviour as active agents. Social networks and structures offer emotional support, information, practical assistance, and new opportunities, all of which are essential for women to develop the self-efficacy and resilience needed to navigate their circumstances. For instance, Noda was able to start a small business with the help of remittances from acquaintances, illustrating how these networks can directly enable economic empowerment.
These networks also act as important support systems, offering safety, information, and job opportunities. For Tama, safety is especially important. The social connections in the camp have given her a strong base for resilience.
She says, “The security conditions in the camp were poor, so a family there hosted me in their tent. The tent didn’t protect us from the rain or the cold, but being with them gave me a strong sense of safety.”
In refugee camps, asset transfers – both from aid agencies and within the community – are essential for survival. Agencies provide cash, food, shelter, and tools, while refugees create their own support systems through shared housing, savings groups, gift exchanges and cash as well. These transfers do more than meet basic needs – they restore dignity and strengthen community ties.
For example, in Kiryandongo camp, women’s groups hold regular meetings to pool money, clothes, and tools, helping each other through crises. They also share farming equipment, cooking supplies, and childcare, fostering solidarity. By working together, refugees combat isolation and build a sense of belonging, proving that mutual aid is just as crucial as official aid.
Noda says, “My mother makes sure I contribute 1,000 shillings each morning to our neighbourhood women’s fund. Every household gives this daily amount, and we use the pooled money to help neighbours facing emergencies, whether it’s a medical bill, a food shortage, or other urgent needs.”
In addition, cultural assets – including artisanal skills, agricultural knowledge, translation abilities, and artistic heritage – serve dual purposes: preserving cultural identity while creating economic opportunities. Culturally-grounded economic practices such as henna art, perfume and bakhoor production, and cultivation of specialty leafy vegetables (like purslane, whose seeds are brought from Egypt and thrive in Kiryandongo market due to strong demand from the Sudanese community) provide critical economic empowerment for refugee women. These activities not only help them earn money but also give them a sense of continuity and identity during times of upheaval.
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Fragile or sustainable?
War can change the nature of gender roles, allowing women to achieve economic empowerment or gain more influence and control within the family. However, these gains could be temporary, subject to the evolution of the conflict and its impact on social life. Once the conflict ends, it is not uncommon for women to return to their traditional roles at home. This suggests that deeply rooted ideas supporting traditional gender roles strongly resist significant change during times of peace. As a result, post-conflict periods can either create opportunities for reshaping gender roles or lead to the reorganization, adaptation, or even reinforcement of patriarchal norms. For any lasting change, it is crucial that shifts in gender roles are supported by an ideological transformation that recognizes and values women’s contributions within existing gender power structures. Without this, progress toward gender equality may remain fragile and reversible.
As Sudanese families prioritize pragmatism over tradition, redefining “acceptable” roles for women during the war, we note that women are also forced to confront many challenges in their new assigned roles. Ironically, these challenges have also opened partial doors to empowerment. In their efforts, women have been supported by asset transfers and social networks, which have served as vital mechanisms for enhancing their economic and social status. These resources have facilitated their participation in decision-making processes and enabled them to take on new roles. In Kiryandongo camp, Sudanese women are reshaping their survival strategies and building resilient communities. Their stories remind us that even in the darkest times, resilience and solidarity can pave the way for a more just and equitable future.
Debating Ideas reflects the values and editorial ethos of the African Arguments book series, publishing engaged, often radical, scholarship, original and activist writing from within the African continent and beyond. It offers debates and engagements, contexts and controversies, and reviews and responses flowing from the African Arguments books. It is edited and managed by the International African Institute, hosted at SOAS University of London, the owners of the book series of the same name.
Hana Jafar is an MA Student in Cultural Anthropology at Cairo University and editor at Farida feminist magazine.
